{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Commands Half of Sudan
Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate a vast expanse of the Sudanese territory.
Consolidating Control in Darfur
Hemedti's forces scored a notable victory by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the Darfur area.
Hated and dreaded by his opponents, Hemedti is respected by his loyalists for his determination and his vow to tear down the corrupt state.
Modest Origins
Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that straddles Chad and Darfur.
Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were never recorded.
Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.
Early Career
After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to neighboring countries.
During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, ignored by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.
Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.
Rise Through Violence
As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for widespread atrocities.
Hemedti's force was among them, implicated in attacking the village of Adwah in late 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, including 36 children.
A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.
Strategic Maneuvering
In the years following the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political organization.
He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his brother. Bashir granted many of his requests.
Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti led government forces that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jebel Amir.
Rapidly, his business venture al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.
Institutionalizing Influence
By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as commander of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, reporting directly to Bashir.
Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.
International Connections
The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a contract to police the border with Libya.
Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.
In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.
The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, marking the start of a strong alliance with UAE officials.
Expanding Influence
Recruits flocked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.
Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, including in gold.
His trip to Russia coincided with the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.
Turning on Allies
As protests grew, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".
This backfired. In 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.
For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.
Return to Violence
As the transition stalled, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and reportedly executed men in the Nile.
Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.
Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.
Current Conflict
As an investigation began examining army businesses, Burhan and Hemedti ousted the government and seized power.
But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.
In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround key bases in the capital. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted city-wide.
Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit community.
International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.
Current Status
Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including military drones, used to strike Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the capture of el-Fasher.
With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the national military.
Hemedti has created a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.
After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of populated areas in western Sudan.
Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into abuses committed by his fighters.
Many believe Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or aspires to rule all of Sudan.
It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.
And as Hemedti's troops commit violence in al-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.